The Pope Who Would Be King, page 48
13. White Mario 1888, pp. 141–43; Severini 2002a, pp. 214–15; Clough 1888, p. 159; Paladini 1897, pp. 86–87; Dandolo 1851, p. 263. Garibaldi himself was struck by Bassi’s fearlessness: “You can’t imagine how much this man saddens me,” he told one of his men, “because I see that he wants to die.” Hoffstetter 1851, pp. 271–72; Facchini 1890, p. 180; Koelman 1963, vol. 2, p. 331; Beseghi 1946, vol. 2, p. 87.
14. The story spread that the legionnaires had come into town simply so that they could change out of their tattered clothes into their colorful new, red-bloused uniforms. Loevinson 1902–4, vol. 1, pp. 258–59; Trevelyan 1907, pp. 212–16; Dandolo 1851, p. 263.
15. Lancellotti 1862, p. 180; Vecchi 1851, p. 485; Foramiti 1850, p. 132; Roncalli 1997, p. 186.
16. Severini 2002a, pp. 217–19.
17. Monsagrati 2014, p. 184.
18. Loevinson 1902–4, vol. 2, pp. 227–28; Trevelyan 1907, pp. 217–24; Hoffstetter 1851, pp. 292–306; Vaillant 1851, pp. 132–44; Balbiani 1860, pp. 430–33. There are contrasting accounts of Aguyar’s death, many casting it in especially dramatic fashion. The day after Aguyar’s death, Garibaldi eulogized him in a public statement: “Yesterday America gave up with the blood of its valorous son, Andrea Aguyar, a proof of the love of free men of all lands for our beautiful and unfortunate Italy.” Repubblica romana 1849, pp. 244–45.
19. Paladini 1897, p. 98.
20. Rusconi 1879, pp. 199–202.
21. Repubblica romana 1849, p. 238.
22. Ibid., pp. 239–40.
23. Spada 1868–69, vol. 3, pp. 676–81; Delmas 1849, p. 33; Severini 2011, p. 151.
24. Pisacane 1849, p. 13. For its part, on July 2 the city council voted a resolution “to receive the French in the city impassibly, protesting that we cede only by force.” Beghelli 1874, vol. 2, p. 403.
25. Giuntella 1949, pp. 132–37; Del Vecchio 1849, p. 193.
26. “Capitulation qui M.r de Corcelles n’a pas acceptée,” MAEC, PAW, ff. 99 bis r-99 bis v.
27. Koelman 1963, vol. 2, pp. 446–47; Dandolo 1851, pp. 282–83; Roncalli 1997, p. 191. Amid the sense of sorrow, and the bewilderment at what was to come, the momentary power vacuum also led some to give vent to their sense of helplessness by turning on a popular target, the city’s Jews. A small group of disbanded soldiers and others set out to sack the stores of the ghetto. The city’s police had not yet been pulled from duty and so were able to stop the violence before it had gone far. Giuntella 1949, p. 125.
28. Garibaldi 1888, p. 239; Hoffstetter 1851, pp. 323–26; Koelman 1963, vol. 2, p. 453; Roncalli 1997, p. 197. Many different versions of Garibaldi’s remarks at St. Peter’s Square exist, partly because they were not easy to hear in the crowd, some undoubtedly made all the more eloquent in retrospect. The text of the letter Cass sent on July 2, written in French, asking Garibaldi to come see him, is reproduced in Marraro 1943, p. 483.
29. Paladini 1897, pp. 100–101; Dandolo 1851, pp. 284–85.
30. Fuller 1856, pp. 412–13; Vecchi 1851, p. 489; Candeloro 1972, p. 453; Hoffstetter 1851, pp. 326–41; Trevelyan 1907, pp. 229–34. The day after Garibaldi led his men out of the city, Mazzini, unaware that Ciceruacchio had gone with Garibaldi, wrote to Margaret Fuller to ask for her help in getting the American chargé d’affaires, Cass, to provide Ciceruacchio and one of his sons with U.S. passports under assumed names. Humphreys 1956, p. 44.
31. République romaine 1849, pp. 184–95; Giuntella 1949, p. 135; Gabussi 1851–52, vol. 3, p. 476. In late June, the Assembly had debated its recommendations. Among the last points of contention was the proposed language regarding religion. The draft had declared that “the Catholic religion is the religion of the state,” although it had also specified that “the exercise of civil and political rights does not depend on religious belief.” But at the urging of the ever-vocal Charles Bonaparte, the full Assembly voted down the first phrase, adopting the second alone. The Roman Republic would privilege no religion above any other. Grilli 1989, pp. 288–96. The Assembly approved the text of the constitution unanimously at its July 1 session. Repubblica romana 1849, pp. 247–57.
32. Thiry 1851, pp. 152–53; Paladini 1897, pp. 104–5; Koelman 1963, vol. 2, pp. 460–69; Clough 1888, pp. 162–63; Del Vecchio 1849, p. 119; Rusconi 1879, pp. 286–87. In his report to Tocqueville, Corcelle, who rode along with Oudinot in his entry to the city, acknowledged that the reaction of the people was “hostile” but blamed this on outsiders, not Romans. Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 4 juillet 1849, n. 8, MAEN, RSS 411.
33. The text of Oudinot’s proclamation is found in ASV, ANN, b. 392, f. 90r.
34. Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 5 juillet 1849, n. 9, MAEN, RSS 411. In the first days of the occupation, the two French ambassadors—Harcourt and Rayneval—had formed a kind of political brain trust with Corcelle, advising Oudinot on the measures to take. Harcourt now headed to Gaeta to fill the pope in on what was happening in Rome and to try to convince him to take those measures the French desired. Rayneval was also eager to return to the pope, but Corcelle depended on him for his knowledge of Italy and asked him to stay by his side. It was not by chance that Corcelle asked Rayneval, rather than Harcourt, to remain with him. He viewed Rayneval as a man of similar opinion and similar character. Harcourt, thought Corcelle, was not only overly emotional but also overly enthused with republican principles.
35. Mazzini’s letter to his mother is found in Severini 2011, p. 153. Fuller reported her meeting with Mazzini in a letter to William Henry Channing, quoted in Deiss 1969, p. 270.
36. Niel 1961, p. 476n; Antonelli al nunzio Vienna, 4 luglio 1849, Gaeta, ASV, ANV, b. 330, f. 171r; Martina 1974, p. 348.
37. Lambruschini a Pio IX, Napoli, 2 luglio 1849, in Manzini 1960, pp. 406–8.
38. Harcourt à Tocqueville, au quartier général, n. 54, 3 juillet 1849, MAEN, RSS 410. In a postscript, Harcourt added that a delegation of prominent citizens from Bologna had come to Gaeta to invite the pope to move to Bologna, but on the condition that he retain the constitution. This, Harcourt reported, the pope would refuse.
CHAPTER 17: THE OCCUPATION
1. Martina 1974, p. 379.
2. Stato pontificio 1850, pp. 30–31; Ghisalberti 1949, pp. 150–51.
3. Fuller 1991, p. 306; Cass to Clayton, Rome, July 6, 1849, in Stock 1933, pp. 45–46.
4. That doubts about Oudinot’s abilities were widespread at the time can be seen by a July 5 London Times editorial: “When the French Government selected a cavalry officer of no previous reputation in war or in politics to take command of the Roman expedition,” the Times asserted, “they gave a very strong proof that their invasion of the Papal States was not expected to assume the character it has since acquired, or to call for any great amount of military skill or resolution. General Oudinot was chosen for this duty because he was the son of one of Napoleon’s Marshals and man of good connexions in French society.”
5. Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 10 juillet 1849, doc. 118 in Tocqueville 1983, vol. 1, pp. 300–302.
6. Tocqueville went on to express his great unhappiness with the situation in Rome, although assuring Corcelle that he blamed it all on Oudinot. Oudinot, complained Tocqueville, was so dense that he was unable to keep two ideas in his head at the same time: putting an end to the “terror” exercised by the “demagogues,” while, at the same time, lifting up the “liberal party.” These were the two aims of French policy and, the foreign minister insisted, one could not be imagined without the other. Tocqueville à Corcelle, Paris, 18 juillet 1849, doc. 124 in Tocqueville 1983, vol. 1, pp. 322–26.
7. Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 8 juillet 1849, n. 11, MAEN, RSS 411; Ferrari 2002, p. 140.
8. Rayneval à Tocqueville, Rome, 9 juillet 1849, n. 144, MAEC, PAR; Lancellotti 1862, p. 194.
9. Marraro 1932, p. 71; Palmerston to Freeborn, Foreign Office, July 23, 1849, doc. 93, and Freeborn to Palmerston, Rome, August 4, 1849, doc. 108 in Parliament 1851, pp. 84, 100.
10. Zucconi 2011, p. 119; Casanova 1999, pp. 155–56; Humphreys 1956, p. 45. “The English and American consuls,” reported Corcelle on July 9, “are very malicious and tied to the fanatics. They are giving many passports to Romans and foreigners. While they think that in doing so they are thwarting us, they are actually rendering us a service.” Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 8 et 9 juillet 1849, n. 11, MAEN, RSS 411; Virlogeux 2001, pp. 5–7. Among the letters from these days in the Nicholas Brown archives at Brown University are various letters of Cristina Belgiojoso asking for Brown’s help. Also found in that archive is a July 12 letter from Massimo d’Azeglio, then minister in the Sardinian government, responding to Brown’s plea to aid the refugees.
11. Humphreys 1956, pp. 44–45; Candeloro 1972, pp. 453–54; Cass to Clayton, Rome, September 20, 1849, in Stock 1933, p. 59.
12. Bargagli al ministro degli affari esteri, Mola di Gaeta, 7 luglio 1849, in Bianchi 1869, vol. 6, pp. 548–50. In a letter at the time thanking the grand duke of Tuscany for his recent letter of congratulations on the taking of Rome, the pope expressed his satisfaction but warned that the city would not be healthy until it was “purged.” As they were “still very far from seeing such a purge carried out,” the pope added, “the elements of corruption…will continue to exhale their sickening vapors.” Bianchi 1869, vol. 6, p. 270.
13. Antonelli al nunzio di Madrid, Gaeta, 13 luglio 1849, ASV, ANM, b. 313, ff. 951r–952r; Antonelli al nunzio di Napoli, Gaeta, 14 luglio 1849, ASV, ANN, b. 392, ff. 85r–85v.
14. Ever since the French troops had liberated them from a regime of oppression and anarchy, declared Oudinot, the Romans had repeatedly demonstrated “their loyalty and their gratitude to the generous pontiff to whom they were indebted for their new freedom.” Apparently unaware of the concept of protesting too much, the general added, “France has never placed in doubt the existence of these sentiments.” Stato pontificio 1850, pp. 62–63.
15. Beghelli 1874, vol. 2, pp. 433–34; Spada 1868–69, vol. 3, pp. 711–14; Roncalli, 1997, p. 202. According to a former member of the Constituent Assembly, on the evening of the hoisting of the papal flag, demonstrators paraded through the Corso, amid the French patrols, singing a parody of the Marseillaise: “Allons enfants de la sacristie….” Citoyen romain 1852, p. 218. The French also organized a ceremony of thanksgiving in Civitavecchia to mark the restoration of papal rule there. “The Papal flag,” reported a British naval officer who witnessed the ceremony, “was rehoisted here under a salute of 100 guns.” He added, “There was not on the part of the people the slightest manifestation of joy on the occasion.” Lieutenant Willes to Vice Admiral Parker, Civitavecchia, July 21, 1849, doc. 103, inclosure 2, in Parliament 1851, pp. 93–94.
16. The ship Corcelle boarded was on its way from France to Naples. When they arrived at the Neapolitan port, Corcelle and his fellow shipmates were informed that due to the cholera epidemic in France, King Ferdinand had ordered all ships from France to spend fourteen days in quarantine in the harbor before anyone could disembark. Corcelle demanded to see the government minister in charge, who ultimately consulted the king himself. Corcelle was allowed to get off the ship, but without his two secretaries and without his papers. Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 20 juillet 1849, n. 13, MAEN, RSS 411.
17. While Corcelle was in Rome he kept up a secret correspondence with Falloux, the pope’s great defender in the French cabinet. A number of Corcelle’s letters to Falloux from Rome can now be found online at: http://correspondance-falloux.ehess.fr/index.php?958.
18. Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 20 juillet 1849, doc. 125 in Tocqueville 1983, vol. 1, pp. 326–28; Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 20 juillet 1849, n. 13, MAEN, RSS 411.
19. Corcelle à Tocqueville, Rome, 20 juillet 1849, doc. 126 in Tocqueville 1983, vol. 1, pp. 328–30.
20. Both the original Italian text and an English translation, which I have used here with minor modifications, are found in Parliament 1851, doc. 99, pp. 86–87. An original copy of the proclamation can be found in ASV, ANN, b. 392, f. 84r. Oudinot, in his letter to Barrot of July 22, 1849, reports that the appearance of the papal address on walls throughout the city caused “a general anxiety in the public.” Barrot 1876, pp. 405–6.
21. Roncalli 1997, p. 205; Martina 1974, p. 380; Farini 1850–53, vol. 4, pp. 240–43; “The French in Rome,” TL, July 30, 1849. “Rome,” reported Prince Odescalchi (1851, p. 4), made head of a new provisional municipal commission by Oudinot in mid-July, “was squalid, beaten down, fearful.” A July 16 internal report of the Holy See’s secretary of state office offers details of the destruction caused by the battle over Rome. “Stato materiale di Roma” Bullettino n. 2, Roma, 16 luglio 1849, ASV, Segr. Stato, An. 1849, Rubr. 155, fasc. 1, ff. 20r–22r.
22. Colonel Adolphe Niel to Gustave Niel, Rome, 28 juillet 1849, doc. 11 in Niel 1961, pp. 477–78.
23. Martina 1974, p. 411n.
24. Belcastel à Tocqueville, Rome, 24 juillet 1849, n. 1, MAEN, RSS 410. Baron de Belcastel served as chargé d’affaires for France in Rome from July to September of that year. Tocqueville 1983, vol. 1, p. 322n.
25. Rayneval à Tocqueville, Gaëte, 24 juillet 1849, n. 150, MAEC, PAR.
26. Rayneval à Tocqueville, Gaëte, 27 juillet 1849, n. 151, MAEC, PAR. As their discussion moved to the names of the men who might serve in the new papal government, the ambassador expressed his displeasure at the pope’s insistence that the minister of internal affairs—in charge of the police—be a prelate. “A fatal idea,” observed Rayneval. As for the minister of foreign affairs, said the pope, this, too, had to remain in a prelate’s hands, for it was properly the job of the cardinal secretary of state.
27. Belcastel à Tocqueville, Rome, 24 juillet 1849, MAEN, RSS 410; “The French in Rome,” TL, August 1, 1849.
28. Rayneval à Tocqueville, Gaëte, 20 juillet 1849, n. 147, MAEC, PAR; Belcastel à Tocqueville, Rome, 24 juillet 1849, n. 1, MAEN, RSS 410; “The French in Rome,” datelined July 21, TL, August 1, 1849; Annuario 1847, pp. 46–47; Falloux 1888, p. 524; Jankowiak 2007, p. 170n. “As to what concerns us,” the Austrian ambassador in Gaeta reported to Vienna, “we could not have wished for anyone better than Della Genga.” Engel-Janosi 1950, p. 153. Luigi Carlo Farini (1850–53, vol. 4, pp. 245–46), a liberal who would later become one of Italy’s first prime ministers, described Della Genga as “Proud, rash, frank in his hatred for liberty and liberals, and for all that was new.”
29. Altieri, observed Rayneval, was “proud, as his name [meaning ‘proud’ in Italian] would seem to indicate.” Rayneval à Tocqueville, Gaëte, 28 juillet 1849, n. 152, MAEC, PAR. Annuario 1847, p. 55; Giuntella 1960; Farini 1850–53, vol. 4, p. 246; Jankowiak 2007, p. 171n; Esterházy à Schwarzenberg, Gaëte, 13 août 1849, doc. 119 in Blaas 1973, pp. 338–39.
30. Rayneval à Tocqueville, Gaëte, 29 juillet 1849, n. 157, MAEC, PAR. On July 30, as the three cardinals were about to arrive in Rome, Rayneval wrote to Oudinot to alert him. The French ambassador’s main worry was that the cardinals would try to arrest people guilty only of having supported the Roman Republic, and he advised Oudinot to do what he could to prevent this from happening. Rayneval à Oudinot, Mola-de-Gaëte, 30 juillet 1849, in Gaillard 1861, pp. 488–90. At this time, Corcelle was sick in bed, and so Rayneval alone was dealing with the pope and his entourage at Gaeta.
31. Count Esterházy offered similar advice. “Don’t worry,” he told Rayneval. “Things are going well. You don’t need to keep pressing. These people attach a great importance to their dignity. They are surrounded by people who every day incite them to move in the opposite direction to yours.” Nonetheless, predicted Esterházy, the pope would end up adopting many of the reforms the French were pushing on him. Rayneval à Tocqueville, Gaëte, 31 juillet 1849, n. 158, MAEC, PAR.
32. France’s foreign minister reserved special disdain for Cardinal Antonelli, who had been giving Corcelle a hard time about the fact that he lacked any official diplomatic status. Unlike the pope, wrote Tocqueville, Antonelli “does not even try to keep up any pretense. I find nothing more impertinent and more puerile than the complaint he has made about your powers….Such an incident was, in truth, the last of all the ecclesiastical ruses I would have predicted.” Tocqueville à Corcelle, Paris, 30 juillet 1849, doc. 131 in Tocqueville 1983, vol. 1, pp. 340–43. While the pope’s great defender in the French cabinet, Alfred Falloux, viewed developments in Rome very differently from Tocqueville, the two agreed in taking a dim view of Antonelli. The secretary of state, Falloux later recalled, was the very opposite of the pope. He tried to cast himself as working only for the best interest of the church. “Yet those perceptive enough get a glimpse of his drive for domination and lucre….He is as prone to cold calculation as Pius IX is to spontaneous action. His haughty immobility stood in contrast with Pius IX’s smiling warmth.” Falloux 1888, p. 517.
