The Pope Who Would Be King, page 44
19. As the French envoy in Rome reported at the beginning of December, “The city’s tranquility has never been greater. Maintaining it, though, will depend on the pope’s first declarations, which people await with extreme impatience.” Forbin Janson à Bastide, Rome, 1 décembre 1849, MAEC, CP, Rome, vol. 988, ff. 157r–158r. A few days later the Sardinian envoy remaining in Rome offered similar observations: “So far the city is perfectly tranquil, yet in extreme anxiety over the uncertain future.” Della Minerva al ministero degli affari esteri, Roma, 5 dicembre 1848, doc. 272 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, pp. 334–35. On the rumors, see Lancellotti 1862, p. 31; “The Escape of the Pope,” TL, December 7, 1848.
20. Severini 1995, pp. 135–36.
21. Terenzio Mamiani al Marchese Pareto, Roma, 29 novembre 1848, appendix to doc. 248 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, pp. 305–6. The text received by the French embassy is found at MAEC, CP, Rome, vol. 988, ff. 159r–161r. Mamiani had written on November 27 to the various papal nuncios of Europe informing them that he should be regarded as the foreign minister of the Papal States, although none of the nuncios would agree to his request. Mamiani al nunzio di Napoli, Roma, 27 novembre 1848, ASV, ANN, b. 392, ff. 52r–52v; Mamiani al nunzio di Madrid, Roma, 27 novembre 1848, ASV, ANM, b. 313, ff. 47r–48r.
22. Rosmini 1998, pp. 99–100; Martina 1974, pp. 544–45.
23. A printed copy of the pope’s address to his subjects was sent to the nuncios. ASV, ANM, b. 313, f. 69r; Pie IX 1855, pp. 2–5; Blaas 1973, p. 36; Della Minerva al ministero affari esteri, Roma, 4 dicembre 1848, doc. 271 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, pp. 332–33. After dismissing the government in Rome as illegitimate, the pope, almost as an afterthought, announced the creation of a government commission to ensure public order in Rome. He listed its members, headed by a cardinal, with one other prelate, four aristocrats, and the head of his army, General Zucchi. But when the members learned of their appointment, the only three who remained in the city fled. The cardinal was left alone to figure out what to do, but the task the pope had assigned him was clearly impossible and the commission never convened. It seems that the cardinal was more inclined to take a conciliatory approach to the governing institutions in Rome than Antonelli and the pope were willing to abide. Pásztor 1966, pp. 340–43. Few of Rome’s aristocrats remained in the city. Captain Key (1898, p. 177), in explaining their departure, remarked that “their excuse is, that they cannot recognize the existing ministry; their reason is fear.”
24. “Gl’inni e il maestro Magazzari,” Il vero amico del popolo, 29 dicembre 1849, p. 130; Martina 1974, pp. 289–90; Pierre 1878, pp. 50–51; Gemignani 1995, p. 234; Farini 1850–53, vol. 3, pp. 105–6.
25. Pareto a Perrone, Roma, 2 dicembre 1848, doc. 250 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, pp. 308–9; Farini 1850–53, vol. 3, pp. 20–21; Candeloro 1972, pp. 337–38; Ideville 1887, pp. 145–46.
26. Martina 2000, p. 353; Jankowiak 2008, p. 143; Gabussi 1851–52, vol. 2, pp. 265–66.
27. Palomba, console generale d’Austria a Civitavecchia a Lützow, Civitavecchia, 8 dicembre 1848, doc. 6, allegato E, in Blaas 1973, p. 36.
28. Brevetti 2014, p. 185; Di Rienzo 2012, p. 15; Scirocco 1996, pp. 1–2; Arcuno 1933, p. 11.
29. Rayneval à Bastide, Naples, 2 décembre 1848, 12 décembre 1848, 14 décembre 1848, MAEC, PAR; Montezemolo à Gioberti, Mola di Gaeta, 31 dicembre 1848, doc. 106 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, p. 480; De Ligne 1929, p. 176; Blois 1854, pp. 27–29; Koelman 1963, vol. 1, p. 179; Scirocco 1996, p. 7.
30. Rayneval à Bastide, Naples, 14 décembre 1848, MAEC, PAR; Pareto al ministro degli affari esteri, Torino, 16 dicembre 1848 and 18 dicembre 1848, docs. 260 and 261 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, p. 316.
31. The pope greeted visitors in his bedroom while sitting at a small writing table covered with papers and a crucifix. “Seeing him again in a foreign land, after being forced into exile from his own States,” recalled the Dutch ambassador following his first meeting with the pope at Gaeta, “and observing the profound alteration of his features, on which it was all too easy to read all that he had endured and was still enduring in moral suffering, I could not help but experience great emotion to the point where at first I was unable to respond to the words of goodness and affectionate welcome that the pope, as in better days, deigned to address to me.” “Even the coldest heart is moved,” remarked the Belgian ambassador after his first meeting with the pope in Gaeta. Liedekerke à Monsieur le Baron, Mola-de-Gaëte, 13 décembre 1848, doc. LXIV in Liedekerke 1949, pp. 129–30; De Ligne 1929, pp. 175–76.
32. Key (1898, pp. 179–89) could not be accused of having an overly generous view of Romans in general. In that same letter, while praising their recent behavior, he confessed his belief that their character was “cowardly and contemptible.” At the same time, the Sardinian envoy in Rome came to a similar conclusion about the untenable position of the moderates. Della Minerva al ministero degli affari esteri, 18 dicembre 1848, Roma, doc. 283 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, p. 345. On the anxiety in Rome, see also Della Minerva’s report of the next day in doc. 284, p. 348.
It is reported—although the account seems suspiciously apocryphal, that when Garibaldi arrived in Rome, Ciceruacchio, former indefatigable organizer of celebrations honoring Pius IX, approached him and said, in rhyme: “Un fatto d’armi io vorrei; Non più paternostri e giubilei” (I would like to take up arms if you please; enough of the pater nosters and jubilees). Spada 1868–69, vol. 3, p. 60; Roncalli 1997, pp. 46, 52; Lancellotti 1862, pp. 41–42, 48; Foramiti 1850, p. 29; Della Minerva al ministero degli affari esteri, Roma, 12 dicembre 1848, doc. 278 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, pp. 340–41.
33. Making a similar point, Coppa (1990, p. 68) writes that Antonelli “pandered to the Pope’s change of heart rather than provoking it.”
34. The text drafted by Rosmini as well as the final text of the papal protest of December 17 are found in Martina 1974, pp. 546–47. Minerva a Gioberti, Roma, 24 dicembre 1848, doc. 288 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, pp. 351–52; Rosmini 1998, pp. 101–7; “Rome, Naples, and Sicily,” Naples, datelined December 21, TL, January 3, 1849.
35. Candeloro 1972, p. 343; Ferrari 2002, p. 132; Monsagrati 2014, p. 37. The letter is from Giuseppe Pasolini to Marco Minghetti, dated Roma, 20 dicembre 1848, in Pasolini 1887, pp. 162–63.
36. Panigada 1937, pp. 1790–92; Bartoccini 1969, p. 10.
37. Severini 1995, p. 141.
38. In Saffi 1898, pp. 101–4. See also De Felice 1962; Severini 1995, p. 141; Severini 2002b, p. 10.
39. Minerva a Gioberti, Roma, 30 dicembre 1848, doc. 294 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, p. 357; Koelman 1963, vol. 1, p. 188; Lancellotti 1862, pp. 54–55; Roncalli 1997, p. 61; Key 1898, pp. 182–83; Vecchi 1851, p. 268. The text of the proclamation is found in Patuelli 1998, pp. 40–41.
40. Montezemolo a Gioberti, Mola di Gaeta, 30 dicembre 1848 and 31 dicembre 1848, docs. 105 and 106 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, pp. 477–9, 479–80; Martina 1974, pp. 315–16, 350. On Gioberti’s role at the time, see Capograssi 1941, pp. 21–22; Farini 1850–53, vol. 3, pp. 128–31; Saffi 1898, vol. 3, pp. 90–93; Rosmini 1998, pp. 126–29.
41. Inguanez 1930, pp. 93–94.
CHAPTER 10: REVOLUTION
1. Roncalli 1997, p. 68; Demarco 1944, p. 63; Deiss 1969, p. 194.
2. Key 1898, p. 184.
3. “Adding iniquity to iniquity,” the pope protested, “the authors and supporters of the demagogic anarchy are trying to destroy the temporal authority of the Roman Pontiff over the Domains of the Holy Church.” People, he charged, were being “deluded by fallacious seductions and by preachers of subversive doctrines.” An original copy of the pope’s address is found in ASV, ANM, b. 313, f. 153r; a published copy can be found in Cittadini 1989, pp. 223–25.
4. Palomba, console generale d’Austria a Civitavecchia, a Lützow, 12 gennaio 1849, doc. 10 in Blaas 1973, pp. 43–44; Pasolini a Minghetti, 8 gennaio 1849, doc. VII in Pasolini 1887, p. 168; Citoyen romain 1852, pp. 146–47; Foramiti 1850, pp. 40–42; Roncalli 1997, p. 72; Fuller 1991, p. 253. That in fact the pope intended his denunciation as an excommunication for any who took part in the election of the Constituent Assembly is made clear in the summary of events sent by Cardinal Antonelli to the nuncios. Antonelli al nunzio, Madrid, Gaeta, 18 febbraio 1849, ASV, ANN, b. 392, ff. 252r–254v, 265r–267r.
5. “Pio IX e la scomunica,” articolo estratto dall’Alba, 11 gennaio 1849, BSMC, FS.
6. It was hoped, the article concluded, that the archbishop’s example would soften the heart of the pontiff, “liberating him from the men around him with their earthly, avaricious, blood-stained advice, and causing him to remember that the Reign of Christ is not of this world.” MCRR, ms. 660/41, “Atto del Card. Oppizzoni riguardo la scomunica,” estratto dalla Gazzetta di Roma, 22 gennaio 1849.
7. Brown to James Buchanan, Rome, January 16, 1849, in Stock 1945, p. 144. “The Pope, to the astonishment of everybody, and to his own detriment,” observed a British envoy, “has excommunicated those who have taken part in the Roman government since his departure, and threatens those who may take part in the constituent with the like penalty. Who would have thought this possible in 1849?” R. Abercrombie to Palmerston, Turin, January 13, 1849, Palmerston papers, online at http://www.archives.soton.ac.uk/palmerston/search.php?agree=Y. Even the most moderate of the city’s citizens, reported the Sardinian envoy in Rome, felt that they had a right to provide themselves with a government, and so the pope’s order had given “immense force” to Rome’s new government. Berghini, 23 gennaio 1849, Roma, doc. 112 in DRS 1949–51, vol. 2, p. 489.
8. Key 1898, p. 188. His letter was sent in February 1849.
9. Lukács 1981, pp. 384–85; Schwarzenberg 1946, pp. 8, 33–35; Chantrel 1861, p. 57; Engel-Janosi 1950, p. 138; Dino 1910, p. 260; Ward 1970, pp. 226–27. Schwarzenberg’s friend, Count Friedrich von Beust (1887, pp. 91, 97), added, “Prince Schwarzenberg despised men but did not know them.” Schwarzenberg served as foreign minister as well as prime minister. For the Vienna nuncio’s characterization of the new Austrian leader, see Lukács 1981, pp. 385–86. Lord Palmerston had referred to Austria under Ferdinand as a “government where the sovereign is an idiot.” Ward 1970, p. 112. Apparently Ferdinand resisted the idea of abdicating but was convinced by his wife, the Empress Maria Anna, herself the daughter of King Victor Emmanuel I of Sardinia, whom King Charles Albert succeeded. Schwarzenberg 1946, pp. 33–35.
10. Annuario 1847, pp. 69–70; Schwarzenberg 1946, pp. 93–94n. Nunzio Viale à Antonelli, Vienna, 26 dicembre 1848, doc. 57 in Lukács 1981, pp. 315–16; de la Cour à Drouyn, Vienne, 25 décembre 1848, 30 décembre 1848, MAEC, CP, Austria, vol. 437, ff. 191r–199r, 202r–203r; Nunzio Viale à Antonelli, Vienna, 7 gennaio 1848, doc. 58 in Lukács 1981, pp. 316–18. At first, it looked as though Schwarzenberg might name his own younger brother, Friedrich, who had been made cardinal in 1845 at age thirty-seven, to be the new ambassador to the Holy See. Harcourt, from Gaeta, predicted as much. Harcourt à Drouyn, 11 janvier 1849, MAEN, RSS 410.
11. Schwarzenberg à Esterházy, Vienne, 23 janvier 1849, docs. 12 and 13 (both containing the same date) in Blaas 1973, pp. 52–53, 56–57.
12. An additional factor was that Austria viewed Great Britain as its most powerful rival in Europe and was not eager to encourage a British-French, anti-Austrian alliance. Druidi 1958, p. 221.
13. Drouyn à de la Cour, Paris, 3 janvier 1849, MAEN, Vienne, Article 33, ff. 02r–07r; Pierre 1878, p. 58; Bourgeois and Clermont 1907, pp. 7–8; Falloux 1888, pp. 437–40. Tocqueville, who beginning in June would become Falloux’s colleague in the cabinet, characterized Falloux’s role in the cabinet by saying “he represented…the Church alone.” Bourgeois and Clermont 1907, p. 9. Harcourt reported to Paris that it was hard to believe that the pope could be so obtuse as not to see that being brought back to Rome by the Austrian army would cause irreparable harm to the Holy See. Harcourt à Drouyn, Gaëte, 3 janvier 1849, MAEN, RSS 274.
14. Zucchi was among the many who saw Pio Nono as well-meaning but under the spell of the evil Cardinal Antonelli. The pope, Zucchi recalled, said nothing against his suggestions, yet “in reality the good-hearted but weak Pius IX had already been duped by the ambitious cunning of Cardinal Antonelli and by the freedom-destroying schemes of Austria. They wanted to ensure that this Pontiff—of such good but indecisive nature, unsophisticated in political matters, but boiling with religious zeal—close his eyes to the true situation and render his heart insensitive to any peaceful path toward harmony and forgiveness toward his subjects.” On January 5, the pope had sent General Zucchi a letter lamenting the treasonous behavior of the papal troops in Rome following Rossi’s assassination. In it he made a distinction between the troops who had betrayed him and those who had simply been momentarily “seduced” by the rebels. Lettera di Pio IX al General Zucchi, MCRR, ms. 129/26, Nicola Roncalli, “Cronaca di Roma,” documenti a stampa, 1849. Francisque Corcelle, the French envoy to the pope, later recalled that in early 1849 Pius still harbored the hope of being restored by General Zucchi and his troops, sharing the belief held by many in Gaeta that the temporary government in Rome would prove incapable of mounting any significant defense. Senior 1872, vol. 2, pp. 10–11.
15. Druidi 1954, p. 301.
16. Nicholas Brown to James Buchanan, Rome, January 24, 1849, in Stock 1945, pp. 145–49; Harcourt à Drouyn, Gaëte, 21 janvier 1849, MAEN, RSS 410; Giannini 2009, p. 3; Monsagrati 2014, p. 49; Severini 2011, p. 17; Foramiti 1850, p. 48; Roncalli 1997, p. 80. As the parish priests had the only existing lists of local inhabitants, thanks to the census they conducted each year before Easter, the organizers of the vote turned to the priests for help in putting together the voting rolls. Where priests refused to cooperate, the officials often simply seized the parish documents.
17. Martina 1974, pp. 324–25.
18. Mellano 1987, p. 31.
19. Martina 1974, pp. 324–25; Harcourt à Drouyn, 23 janvier 1849, Gaëte, MAEN, RSS 410; Viaene 2001, p. 497; Capograssi 1941, pp. 18, 33; Antonelli al nunzio di Madrid, Gaeta, 26 gennaio 1849, ASV, ANM, b. 313, ff. 7r–7v.
20. Nicholas Brown to James Buchanan, Rome, February 1, 1849, in Stock 1945, pp. 149–55; Cittadini 1968, p. 274; Roncalli 1997, p. 83; Demarco 1944, pp. 66–67.
21. John Freeborn to Viscount Palmerston, Rome, February 2, 1848, doc. 2 in Parliament 1851, pp. 1–2. Popular belief that the king of Naples and the pope’s evil advisers were holding Pius back from acting on his natural benevolent inclinations was also slow to die. In late January a notice appeared on the walls of Rome, claiming that the pope, dressed in disguise, had tried to flee Gaeta on the night of January 21 but had been thwarted in his attempt by the king. “La fuga da Gaeta tentata da Pio IX e impedita dal Governo Napoletano,” MCRR, ms. 127/27, Nicola Roncalli, “Cronaca di Roma,” documenti a stampa, 1849.
22. Fuller, Rome, February 20, 1849, letter XXVII in Fuller 1856, pp. 346–47; Lancellotti 1862, pp. 86–87.
23. De Ligne 1929, pp. 187–88.
24. Esterházy à Schwarzenberg, Gaëte, 7 février 1849, doc. 15 in Blaas 1973, pp. 60–64; Dumreicher 1883, pp. 22–23; Beust 1887, pp. 315–18; Dino 1910, p. 68. Some years later, when Esterházy joined the Austrian cabinet, a fellow minister would observe of him, “In sharp criticism Moritz Esterházy is a master, and he cannot deny himself the pleasure of critically illuminating every opinion, every proposal of another’s.” Engel-Janosi 1950, pp. 140–41.
25. Martina 1974, p. 341. In response to the Austrians’ request that he issue a written plea for military intervention, the pope convened the twenty cardinals with him in Gaeta in a secret consistory. They enthusiastically gave their support. The great majority of the cardinals agreed that the pope should turn first and foremost to Austria, proposing that his request be addressed to the Austrian emperor, with copies sent to the other Catholic powers with the suggestion that they join in as well. However, the temporary presence of a French cardinal in Gaeta, on a mission partly motivated by the French government’s attempt to use him to plead restraint, apparently led the cardinals to instead approve having the pope address his plea equally to Austria, France, Naples, and Spain. Esterházy à Schwarzenberg, 8 février 1849, doc. 16 in Blaas 1973, pp. 64–67. Gioberti’s letter to Martini, from Turin, 15 febbraio 1849, is extracted in Bianchi 1869, vol. 6, pp. 42–43; Farini 1850–53, vol. 3, pp. 192–93.
26. Foramiti 1850, pp. 51–52; Gabussi 1851–52, vol. 3, pp. 5–6; Fuller 1856, p. 357; Roncalli 1997, p. 84; Rossi 1954, p. 64; Loevinson 1902–4, vol. 1, p. 132. Brown’s account of the procession is found in Nicholas Brown to James Buchanan, Rome, February 12, 1849, in Stock 1945, p. 156. On February 11, Brown sent his “warmest congratulations” to the new government of the Roman Republic. Marraro 1932, p. 70.
27. Severini 1995, pp. 154–56. The Dutch ambassador described Armellini as one of the most distinguished members of the Roman bar, with a large clientele. Liedekerke à Monsieur le Ministre, Molo-de-Gaëte, 9 février 1849, doc. LXXIV in Liedekerke 1949, p. 153. Armellini’s wife was less than pleased with his newfound political passion, constantly reminding him of the pope’s excommunication and, allegedly, keeping a copy of it under his pillow when he slept. Lancellotti, diary entry for February 12, 1849, in Cittadini 1968, p. 281.
28. Charles Bonaparte would continue to be front and center at the Assembly, although he would increasingly try the patience of his colleagues. “The penchant for adventures and eccentricity,” recalled one of the men who would soon lead the government, “guided him in all political matters, as in every other sphere of his life. He always needed to create trouble, to insert himself, to act theatrically, to do the unexpected. For him the revolution was just a game and an opportunity to call attention to himself.” But while many took a dim view of the prince-naturalist, the deputies soon elected him vice president of the Assembly, and in the weeks ahead he would often preside over it. Farini 1850–53, vol. 3, p. 205; Saffi 1898, p. 152; Casanova 1999, p. 116; Roncalli 1997, p. 87.
