The iCongressman, page 26
part #2 of The Michael Bennit Series Series
Worst case scenarios start to spinning through my mind. Now I know what parents must feel like. After a career in special operations for the military, it takes a lot to faze me. This qualifies. Vince shares my concerned look.
“What do you want me to do next? Call the Capitol and Metro Police?”
The thought that something may have happened to Chelsea sends a shiver down my spine. “Have you called her house?”
“Yeah, countless ti―”
“No, I mean her dad’s up in Millfield.”
“Uh, no, we haven’t.”
“Okay. Get in touch with her dad first. If he hasn’t heard from her, sound the alarm and sound it loud.”
“Got it.”
“Good. Don’t waste any more time talking to me.”
Vince runs off back down the hall and I take a deep breath. With all the pressure on me going into this meeting, having to agonize over Chelsea is the last thing I need. But if anything ever happened to her, I could never forgive myself.
“They’re ready for you, Congressman,” Vanessa gently prods after emerging from the committee room we reserved for this gathering. She knows what’s at stake, but also shares our fears about Chels. Here goes nothing.
* * *
There isn’t a sound as I walk down the aisle to the front of the room. There are at least a couple of dozen representatives here, representing both parties. The vast majority is what Americans would call moderates and their party bosses would call traitors.
Politicians are really nothing special once you stand among them. Most of the men and women in this room could easily disappear into the anonymity of any group of affluent Americans. However, like most driven and successful people, they do have an ego and want to be admired and respected. Most of all, they want to be reelected every two years, meaning they find a way to not stand out in any negative way.
“Thank you all for coming,” I say to the group. I’m honestly shocked so many came. I expected less than half this number.
“Michael, are you going to create a third party?” someone in the group asks without any introduction. Damn, I really don’t want to do this without Chelsea here.
“Cutting right to the chase, aren’t you, Tom?” I reply with a smile to the Republican representative from Arizona. “The answer is no, I have never intended, nor do I ever intend to create a third party.”
“Why not?” a colleague representing some district in Northern California asks.
“Because I don’t think a third party goes a long way to heal the divide in this chamber. If anything, it makes it worse.”
“I disagree,” he responds, taking up the argument. I forgot he is a strong third-party advocate, once even running on the Green Party ballot. “All we need for a three-party system to be successful is a courageous political leader to lead a break away from the current system. Many of the people here think you’re that leader, Mister Bennit.”
There is a smattering of applause, but I’m unmoved. I am concerned though. I need these people to vote against this bill, not for it in the hopes that I will go the third party route.
“I appreciate the vote of confidence, but it’s never, ever going to happen.”
“Do you hate political parties that much?”
“I don’t hate them at all. Political parties have served the citizens of the United States well for a couple of centuries now, but the paradigm has shifted in a way most Americans find untenable. There is an ideological rift that has formed between Republicans and Democrats that make our whole system of government ineffective. If you don’t believe me, think back to the last time so many members from both parties willingly sat in the same room together like you are.”
“Never,” the attractive and intelligent congresswoman from Pennsylvania scoffs. I have listened intently to some of her floor speeches, and she is incredibly articulate and very fair. Formerly a successful and driven small business owner, she’s the type of boss people would line up to work for. I am still getting used to the fact that not everyone who serves in Congress is a lawyer. “But what’s your point?”
“I’m glad you asked. I feel that creating a new party would further divide the House, but creating a new caucus would bring many of us together.”
The room erupts into side conversations and I’m reminded of my days in the classroom. During countless discussions, students would engage in the exact same behavior.
“The bill coming before the House won’t allow that unless a third party is created,” one of my colleagues interjects.
“That’s true. It’s also why that bill needs to be defeated.”
“But there is no majority party! How will we elect our next Speaker of the House?”
“Do you seriously think that the situation won’t work itself out when the next Congress convenes? I’m focused on the long-term here.”
“Okay, let’s back up for a second. Is this caucus for us, your icandidates, who?”
“There’s room for anyone who wants Congress to actually work. It’s not about ideology—it’s about the common understanding that what unites us is stronger than what divides us and that differences can be worked out.”
“Do you really think that will work?” Damn, I didn’t realize people from Alaska were so pessimistic.
“Yeah, I do, and for one simple reason. This caucus is our Fight Club. You all remember the first rule of Fight Club?”
“You never talk about Fight Club,” a moderate from Oregon enthusiastically answers from the back of the room. The group chuckles, including the two elected women in the room. They might not have been huge fans of the movie, but Brad Pitt with his shirt off is a draw, regardless of the subject matter.
“In this case, you never talk about what happens in our caucus. Nothing gets leaked to the media. You leak to the media and you will never be invited back. Ever.”
“Do you really think this is going to make a difference, Michael? I mean, even if we break with our party-line votes and find common ground, do you expect us all to agree on every issue?” Again, Alaska?
“No, I don’t expect us all to agree with each other on everything. I also don’t think we’ll inspire all four hundred thirty-five members of the House to join hands around the Capitol reflecting pool and sing Imagine while Speaker Albright smokes weed and strums an acoustic guitar.”
Everybody ponders that mental picture for a moment. Some are enjoying it a little too much.
“There used to be a day where statesmen engaged in raucous debates in caucuses about various issues. Of course, America never heard about them because they were private. Now pressers are held by representatives acting like Sportscenter anchors who give the highlights of every caucus meeting.
“The purpose of a closed-door session is so we can have real debates with each other without having to censor our views. We need a secure forum to have frank conversations with each other or the legislature will continue to get nothing done.”
“That would be a refreshing change,” one of the young Democrats says from the back of the room. “Every caucus meeting I attend now is about fundraising and how to screw the Republicans.”
“It’s no different on our side. And as a moderate, my pragmatic desire to compromise is never appreciated.”
There is a smattering of agreement, although a few congressmen from both parties take umbrage with the comments. Apparently not everyone is sold on joining my caucus. Now I begin to wonder if the only reason some of these people are here is to report back to the party leadership for both sides.
As the side conversations rage, Vince walks up the aisle and hands me a folded piece of paper. It reads:
Spoke to her dad. She went home to Millfield. She quit on us.
A rush of emotion surges through me. On one hand, I’m relieved to know she’s okay. The threats against us are starting to have an effect on me, too. The specter of her being kidnapped, or worse, was almost paralyzing. On the other hand, I’m confused as to why she would up and leave, especially considering everything going on. She had to know it would make us worry. There is a collision between the most important meetings of my political career and one of the most important people in my life, and I have to make a decision what to do. It takes a fraction of a second.
“I hate to have to cut this short, but I have to go.”
“You’re leaving now?” one of my colleagues asks.
“One thing you’ll learn about me is I am a firm believer that people are more important than politics. And right now, I owe one of them a long overdue heart-to-heart. Vince can answer most of your remaining questions about what we’re trying to do here, and feel free to reach out to me about anything he doesn’t answer to your satisfaction. Thanks for coming everyone.”
I head up the aisle to the doors at the opposite end of the committee room. I know dozens of sets of eyes are on me because of my abrupt departure, but I don’t feel them. My mind is already up in Millfield, thinking about what’s going on with my cherished student, valued staff member, and someone I almost consider a daughter.
I am not one who believes in regrets. I firmly believe such thinking is a waste of time and energy. But for the first time in a long time, I feel those regrets along with pangs of guilt. Chelsea would not up and leave without good reasons, and somehow I feel like I missed all of them.
-FIFTY-SEVEN-
SPEAKER ALBRIGHT
Capitol Beat is a new political news program run by one of the twenty-four-hour cable networks. They are putting a special together to discuss the lack of a majority party in the House and what it means for the country. Obviously, the bill I introduced is a hot topic for the program since it is the only solution to the problem unless most of the independents defect. So far, none of them have, despite our best efforts to woo them.
Harvey Stepanik joins me in my office as the producers of the show set up the shot and the equipment dogs get to work with the audio and lighting for our interview.
“He’s meeting with the moderates.”
“When?”
He looks at his expensive wristwatch. “Right now, actually.”
“Hm. Bennit must have finally figured out he was tilting at windmills relying on the whole social media thing again. How many showed up?”
“I don’t know. Too many though, from both sides. He’s still dangerous,” Harvey concludes, glancing back at the techs setting up.
“You don’t really think he can sway anyone from our side to go independent?”
“I don’t think he has the political skill to make that argument. I don’t think he can entice the Dems either, but it makes me wonder what he’s doing.”
“Do you have anyone in there sitting in it?”
“Of course, but we won’t hear anything until after we are through with this.”
“We’re almost ready for you, gentlemen,” one of the producers interrupts as the techs finish setting up for the interview.
* * *
“We are joined now by the Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, Republican Johnston Albright and the Majority Leader Harvey Stepanik. Thank you for joining us today.”
“Thank you for having us, Wilson.” The sixty-six-year-old and graying, Wilson Newman has been a political analyst most of his adult life and the host of Capitol Beat since it went on the air. He has a timeless Sean Connery look, or so my female staffers have told me when they swoon over his image on the television.
“This has been one of the more contentious lame duck sessions the country has seen in a while, and it is all because of the rules bill that you are readying to introduce to the floor. Can you explain to our viewers what the purpose is?”
“As you know, after the results of the last election were certified, we ended up with an unprecedented situation where there is no majority party for the House in the next Congress. Having no majority party is a threat to how our chamber does business. All this bill does is changes our rules to force representatives to caucus with a major political party. We don’t dictate which one,” Harvey says from beside me.
“Even if it is a third party?”
“Correct,” I say. Of course, we’re counting on them not creating one.
“You gentlemen realize that this is wildly unpopular with people—only nine percent support the bill,” Wilson says frankly.
The problem with conducting opinion polls about issues is you are dealing with a very uneducated sample. Americans don’t have the faintest clue about what this bill means for them, or for the country. There is confusion among the population even with more familiar laws. According to a 2013 Gallup poll, forty-five percent of Americans supported the Affordable Care Act while only thirty-nine percent supported Obamacare. They refer to the same law.
“I think there is a lot of confusion in America over this bill being propagated by its opponents.”
“You’re referring to Michael Bennit and Francisco Reyes?”
“Among others, yes,” Harvey answers.
“Why do you think that is, Mister Speaker? I mean, are they purposefully misleading the public?”
Thank God for the friendly confines of Capitol Beat. Like most political news programs, it leans toward a particular ideology and asks softball questions designed to keep it in good standing with core viewers. The liberals have their shows, and we have ours. Capitol Beat is one of them.
“Congress is probably America’s least understood institution. What our citizens need to realize is that Congress is both a system and a culture. This bill only applies to how the House of Representatives does business and really doesn’t affect the average American.”
“That’s not what Representative Bennit is asserting. He is claiming via social media that this is an assault on the country’s desire to see independent candidates play a larger role in a government long beholden a two-party structure.”
“Some people see a conspiracy behind everything,” Harvey dismisses with his charming smile and a little laugh.
“So there is no truth to some of the comments being posted to Twitter that the leadership of both parties are scared to death of the type of campaign reforms this new wave of independents could introduce to make it easier for more like them to join their ranks in Washington?”
“None whatsoever. I’m surprised that tweet didn’t include a selfie of Bennit wearing a tin foil hat.” Suddenly I am very happy for my social media cram session with the intern. I’m going to have to write him a great letter of recommendation.
“Social media aside, even some of the mainstream media are saying passage of such an unpopular bill could end the Republican and Democratic parties,” Wilson points out.
“People want their government to work,” Harvey says, beating me to the response. “This bill will ensure we can continue to conduct the people’s business with no disruption. I’m sure with proper leadership, both parties will flourish for a long time to come.”
That bastard. Proper leadership is a subtle jab at me. He just openly made himself a candidate for Speaker while sitting right beside me for this interview.
There is nothing worse than fighting wars on multiple fronts. Not only do I have to deal with Bennit, his yahoos that will be sworn in next year, and apparently a host of moderates looking to team up with him, but now a conservative in my own party. I knew Stepanik had designs on my office, but I never thought he would be this shameless.
“So, if this bill doesn’t pass, do you think it could be an end of the two-party structure?”
“First, I am very confident this bill will pass,” I say, seizing the momentum from the majority leader. “But if for some reason it doesn’t, I don’t think electing independents is going to become a frequent occurrence in future elections. Americans have simply expressed a desire to get better results out of Washington, and I am convinced the two-party system is perfectly capable of delivering those results despite the poorly chosen paths we have been led down in the past.”
Take that Harvey. If you want my job, you’re going to have to take it from me.
-FIFTY-EIGHT-
SENATOR VIANO
The political lobby has practically become members of the congressional family. If the news media are the half-siblings to the political elite, then lobbyists are first cousins. Their numbers are greater than the journalists who cover Capitol Hill, and from their purses and wallets spurts the lifeblood of American politics, at least until recently. The campaign contributions they deliver on behalf of their clients guarantee their status and build an easy road to success.
The huge sums of cash they doled out are the primary reason American politics has transformed into a high-stakes game of Monopoly over the previous generation. In 2006, over two hundred eighty-seven million dollars were donated to candidates for the House and Senate during that election cycle. Three elections later, that sum grew exponentially. With that much money comes considerable leverage and power.
As the black Lincoln Town Car screeches up against the curb where I am waiting, I begin to wonder just how desperate he is becoming. If there is anything I know, it’s that the true power brokers in Washington are not going to let one man ruin the gilded age of lobbying. Too much money and influence is at stake to allow this to continue.
I climb into the car next to the large man who says nothing in greeting. Mirroring the current mood in town, he is less than amiable.
“What? Not even a good morning?”
“Marilyn, we’ve been good friends far too long for me to engage in petty pleasantries or mince words. Ya’ll told me Bennit was on board with creating a third party. Now he’s out running a huge campaign against it. Which is it?”
“I told you what he told me, nothing more and nothing less.”
“Then you were a fool to believe him. He either played you, or ya’ll are playing me. I sure hope it’s the former and not the latter. Either way, this is becoming a colossal failure and I’ve no one to blame but you.”
