The Princes in the Tower, page 25
A second major setback followed about a month later. Henry VII had captured and executed many high-ranking nobles and secret supporters of York, thus depriving Edward IV’s son of crucial support and potential help in England prior to his invasion. Among them were Sir Simon Montford, John Radcliffe, Lord Fitzwalter, Henry VII’s Steward of his Household and Sir William Stanley, Henry VII’s Chamberlain.13
If we are to believe the reports of the Milanese ambassadors and envoys in Flanders, made shortly after these dramatic events, it seems that the initial plan to invade England was put on hold and York shifted his focus to Ireland. Their reports show King Maximilian (who was in the Netherlands at the time) had said, ‘Duke Richard now wants to go to Ireland, where he has valuable connections … and where he is recognized as a ruler.’14
Other diplomatic correspondence from the Milanese ambassadors dating to the end of February 1495 shows that York – according to King Maximilian – had actually left, probably shortly before or around 1 March 1495.15
There may have been several reasons for York’s sudden decision to turn to Ireland. One of these is likely to have been to secure the support of the Irish nobility after the disastrous events in England following Clifford’s betrayal. However, no convincing evidence has been found to support that York travelled to Ireland in the first weeks of March, or that he had made a serious attempt to do so. By mid-March 1495, Maximilian reported that ‘the son of the king of England had built up a strong army to go to England’.16
Despite the devastating blow in England, it had apparently been decided to go ahead with the planned invasion. Serious efforts were now made to ready the expedition, raising funds and buying ships, recruiting soldiers and arranging supplies,17 all of which had been led by experienced military commanders such as Albert of Saxony, Rodrigue de Lalaing and a Spaniard by the name of Quintinck.18
The Burgundian chronicler Jean Molinet described these preparations:
Notwithstanding the executions by the king of those who adhered to him [York], … with the help of his friends he [York] provided the ships, men, provisions and other artifacts. He expected to conquer England because of the great confidence he had in his followers and friends who provided him with help and large grants.19
Albert of Saxony, Governor General of the Netherlands, was one of those friends. He was Maximilian’s most experienced military commander and strategist in the Low Countries, who had played a key role in organising and financing the expedition.
Initially, York’s fleet seems to have assembled in Zeeland, probably with the intention of departing from there to England.20 However, in the first week of April, a further serious and unexpected problem seems to have prevented the fleet sailing for England. In a reply to Albert of Saxony, written at Worms on 10 April 1495, Maximilian writes, ‘We have understood your dear letter and we understand that something has occurred which prevented York’s departure.’21
That there was indeed an unexpected setback is evident in a letter written by Georg von Ebenstein on 6 April 1495.22 Here we find Margaret of York at the heart of events. Referring to her as ‘the old lady’, Ebenstein vividly described her reaction when she heard about the problems besetting her nephew’s expedition. He wrote, ‘She was sad, and she complained that “Von Jurick” [the Duke of York] as a result was deprived of his kingdom and that he had relied on it.’
What exactly had gone wrong is not made clear. Difficulties raising finance or recruiting sufficient soldiers (who apparently deserted en masse because of payment problems) could have led to the postponement or cancellation of the operation. Yet there may have been a more obvious reason.
On 4 April 1495, the Duke of Saxony was warned about ‘the landing of the English in Zeeland’.23 It seems that Henry VII, through his spy network, had received information about the forthcoming invasion and as a precaution (or a deterrent to intimidate) had despatched English ships.
It is not clear whether the English vessels entered Zeeland waters and engaged the Yorkist fleet. If an action did take place, it was an unforeseen intervention on the part of the English king. Presumably, as a result, Yorkist plans were now altered. This was probably on the advice of Albert of Saxony, with the aim of re-evaluating the local situation and devising an alternative plan in consultation with York.
Following Albert’s advice, it was decided to leave Zeeland (on the western coast) and travel by land to the north of Holland. Albert was familiar with this part of the Burgundian Netherlands. He had been based in the Kennemerland region in the north of Holland for an extended period during the Bread and Cheese Revolt of 1492.24 Remarkably, Albert’s active involvement in York’s cause seems to have been ignored in existing literature, as well as his personal ties with the young Yorkist claimant.
From York’s arrival at Margaret’s court in Malines in 1493, the Duke of Saxony and the Duke of York were often in each other’s company.25 Albert seems to have been an important mainstay for Richard. His personal involvement can be seen, for example, in a postscript to the previously mentioned letter from the Burgundian Captain Georg von Ebenstein, ‘a servant of York had said that … he [Albert of Saxony] would [much] rather march to England’ (instead of Friesland). From this, it can be established that the Duke of Saxony, who had to divide his attention between several wars, had preferred an invasion of England (with York).26
The Journey of the White Rose Through Holland in April, May and June 1495
Entries in the 1495 Account Books of the Grafelijkheidsrekenkamer of Holland (County Court of Auditors, Dutch National Archive) confirm the narrative set out in the Divisie Chronicle, that the ‘White Rose’ began his journey to the northern part of Holland in mid-April 1495.
The Messenger Expenditure Accounts reveal that around mid-April 1495 various messengers were despatched to several Dutch cities, including Dordrecht, Rotterdam and Leiden. The messengers were carrying letters from the Stadtholder (Steward) of Holland, Jan III of Egmont, in which he requested the cities ‘to receive the Duke of York kindly and to show him their friendship, so that when he arrives in his realm, they shall be treated in the same manner’.27
At this remove, it is not possible to determine exactly when and from where York left the south of the Netherlands, but he will have departed Zeeland around mid-April.
Haarlem (27 April 1495–8 June 1495)
According to Aurelius, the Duke of York arrived in the city of Haarlem, in the north of Holland, ‘in the year 1495, after the octave of Easter’ (Monday, 27 April).28 York had been allowed to lodge in the Commandery of St John in Haarlem for over a month, once again indicating the involvement of Albert of Saxony.
Albert’s servant and confidant, Jacob van Barry was the Town Clerk of Haarlem.29 In this position, Van Barry exercised considerable influence in the City Council. Only with the consent (and at the expense) of the City Council would high-ranking guests have been allowed to stay in the ‘Count’s Room’ at St John’s.30
Entries in the 1495 Account Book further reveal that York continued to make all necessary preparations in the north of Holland. On 27 May (by order of an official of the heir, Archduke Philip the Handsome), a messenger from the court of Holland was sent from The Hague to Amsterdam to discover whether the ships York had purchased had been delivered to him.31 A few days later, on 5 June, another messenger was sent to Amsterdam bearing letters from the archduke himself, likely to exert more pressure. The writer also enquired whether the ships that the duke bought had been delivered to him.32
At Maximilian’s request, Margaret of York had supplied the necessary provisions.33 These appear in the accounts of Margaret’s domain, Voorne. At the beginning of May 1495, Margaret had personally ordered 1,484 tons of beer, brewed and collected in the city of Delft (near The Hague), ‘for My Lord, the Duke of York, her nephew’.34
Beverwijk (7 June 1495)
On 7 June 1495, York was in Beverwijk.35 Beverwijk was a small market town about 6 miles north of Haarlem. Since the twelfth century, it had had its own port on the Wijkermeer, with an open connection to the Dutch South Sea (Zuiderzee).36 Because of a narrow coastal strip, Beverwijk had no open connection with the North Sea. It was therefore protected against any naval attack coming that way. Via the Zuiderzee (past the island of Texel), the North Sea was easily accessible from Beverwijk. Given its strategic proximity to Haarlem, it is probable that the town served as a mustering centre for York’s troops, artillery and ships. This assumption is supported by a letter from the Stadtholder and Council of Holland addressed to the Duke of York, ‘present there at Beverwijk’, with a request to embark and ensure that his servants (men) will not cause any damage to the country.37
Egmond Abbey
The following day, York left Haarlem. After visiting the famous Egmond Abbey, the young claimant to the English throne travelled north to the island of Texel.
The Abbey of St Adelbertus in Egmond, founded in the second half of the tenth century, was the oldest abbey in Holland and an important site of pilgrimage.38 The abbey held the relics of two important Anglo-Saxon saints, St Adelbert and St Jerome of Noordwijk. According to tradition, Adelbert was the son of an English king who renounced his rights and went to Holland as a missionary. The same was true, albeit to a lesser extent, of St Jerome of Noordwijk, who was a son of Anglo-Saxon (Scottish) nobles.39 Since both saints were of Anglo-Saxon (royal) descent, Prince Richard, Duke of York, would have seen and venerated the holy relics in the abbey and prayed for good fortune.
It is worth mentioning that his father, Edward IV, had venerated the same relics at Egmond Abbey, twenty-five years before, in 1470, when he was on his way south from Texel to Flanders. Shortly before, the exiled monarch had landed, destitute, on the island of Texel following a hasty flight from England. Aurelius, in his Divisie Chronicle, noted:
when the lord of Gruythusen heard this [the arrival on Texel], he … went to the king [Edward IV] and brought him to Egmont to see the holy relics of Saint Adelbert and others who were born in England.40
It turned out that the English king was indeed blessed with good fortune. Five months later, he recovered his crown with a fleet of thirty-six ships amassed in the Burgundian Netherlands.
Texel
Following his visit to the abbey, York travelled to Texel with his supporters.
At the beginning of May, Maximilian had declared publicly that he was ‘no longer involved in any way with the ruler of York’.41 He appears, however, to have had more heart for York’s cause than he wished to divulge.
The evidence is contained in a letter written by Maximilian on 17 June 1495 in which he urged his son, the Archduke Philip the Handsome, ‘to deliver my lord York 4 pieces of artillery for his intended journey’.42
Another entry in the 1495 Account Book of the County Court of Auditors of Holland clearly shows the involvement of King Maximilian shortly before York’s departure from Texel. A messenger was sent from The Hague to the island of Texel carrying several ‘private’ letters from ‘der KM’ (King Maximilian). The letters, which discussed secret matters, were destined for the Duke of York (‘lying on the island of Texel, with the intention of invading England’) and were presented by the messenger personally ‘into his hands’.43
According to Aurelius, most of the ships and men had been waiting for some time at Texel for ‘The White Rose’ to appear. The invasion fleet must have anchored on the ‘Reede van Texel’ on the south-east side of the island, where it will have waited for a favourable wind.44 The choice of Texel as a safe haven seems well considered. Again, the servant of the Saxon duke, Jacob van Barry is present. Van Barry was made Clerk of Texel for life in 1492 as a gift from Albert of Saxony and therefore had significant administrative influence on the island.45 Furthermore, the ‘Reede’ was quite isolated from the North Sea and access to the Marsdiep (a waterway between the island of Texel and north of Holland) was very difficult and potentially treacherous for inexperienced captains coming from the west (from the North Sea).
Notes compiled in later years by the English Captain John Aborough, sent by Henry VIII to explore the entrance to the sea channel near Texel, highlights the dangers:
On the seaward side of this [land] point and the island [Texel] lie the Haaksgronden, which consist of particularly dangerous sandbanks and extend into the sea 6 or 7 miles westwards.46
Compared to the open waters of Zeeland, the Duke of York’s ships were protected by this natural barrier from hostile English ships.
It is not known how many ships ‘The White Rose’ gathered at Texel. What is certain is that York, his captains and crews, did not have to wait long for a favourable wind. On 1 July 1495, the sails were set, and one by one the ships sailed into the North Sea, eventually arriving off Deal two days later.
Postscript
The extensive narrative provided by Aurelius in the Divisie Chronicle describing the journey of ‘The White Rose of York’ through Holland proves to be surprisingly accurate. Its detail is corroborated by the contents of various Messenger Expenditure Accounts included in the 1495 Account Book of the County Court of Auditors of Holland.
The route north taken by York and his followers can be reconstructed.47 Extensive research has been undertaken in the archives of Dutch cities along the route. However, many city archives from 1495 have been lost (sold, or destroyed by fire and acts of war, etc.). Other potentially interesting local sources, including the archives of the Abbey of Egmond, the Commandery of St John in Haarlem and various local chronicles, have also been investigated in the hope to gain further insight into the activities of York and his supporters. Further research is ongoing.48
As the safety of a successful crossing from Zeeland could no longer be guaranteed, it can be assumed that on the advice of Albert of Saxony, a more remote and secure place was chosen as the mustering point for the army and fleet for the Yorkist royal heir. That Maximilian entrusted the organisation of the expedition to his most important military commander, Albert of Saxony, demonstrates that he was committed to the invasion plans of ‘the young king of England’, as he called him, and that he wanted them to succeed.
One might argue that the movement of troops to the north of Holland had a minimal impact on the expedition and the subsequent invasion of England and is therefore of little historical value. While this may be so, the results of this investigation are nevertheless concerned with a larger truth. Until now, the story of Richard, Duke of York, has relied on the interpretation of fragmentary and biased evidence. For the first time in the historiography of this son of York, an extensive and hitherto unnoticed49 passage in a chronicle has been confirmed by objective primary source research in the Dutch National Archive. Consequently, a reliable reconstruction of the past can now be made.
From this, it may be concluded that the events surrounding the Yorkist invasion of 1495 were not handed down in history as they actually happened. The importance of a continuing search for new and neglected primary source material is thus vindicated as the only means to prevent the acceptance and repetition of non-substantiated narratives.
16
The Family of Edward V and Richard, Duke of York
As in any police cold-case enquiry, it is important to investigate the actions of those closest to the missing individuals to help shed light on what was going on behind closed doors. The creation of detailed timelines allows us to travel back in time and identify potentially crucial information. Simply put, individual behaviour is the clearest indication of what people believed and (potentially) knew. It is valuable, therefore, to consider the conduct of the immediate family, both as individuals and as a collective family unit.
The Death of Edward IV
There are signs that suggest co-ordinated activity in the weeks immediately preceding and following Edward IV’s unexpected death on 3 April 1483, which it had been decided to conceal for nearly a week until Lord Howard arrived in the capital.
King Edward had already handed an inordinate amount of collective power to the queen’s Woodville family, whom the contemporary writer Domenico Mancini portrayed as greedy and grasping.1 Historical biographer Annette Carson records early moves just weeks before the king’s death:
While the entire Court and council were caught unawares by Edward’s death, this individual had taken all the right steps, at least three weeks before Easter, to ensure his personal position was legally watertight and that machinery was in place for defensive or offensive action if circumstances demanded. This person was the queen’s brother Anthony, Earl Rivers.2
In February 1483, the king had revised his ordinances for the governance of the Prince of Wales at his base in Ludlow, doubtless framed in conjunction with Rivers. Among new provisions, the queen’s younger son, Sir Richard Grey, was added to the personnel who had control of the prince and access to his treasury: in effect, ‘nothing was to be done by the prince’ without the advice of Rivers, Grey and the prince’s tutor, Bishop John Alcock. This afforded a ‘virtual monopoly’ on the young prince’s actions.
It has been argued that Rivers, who had held the leading role of the prince’s governor for the past ten years, exploited his authority to obtain (sometimes illegally) extensive powers in Wales and on the English border. He was the foremost nobleman in Wales and the Marches.3 His nephew, Richard Grey, the prince’s half-brother, had already made strides in the same direction: in January, he received the Duchy of Lancaster Lordships of Kidwelly and Iscennen in Wales, doubling his income overnight. Grey was now the ‘prince’s most active henchman’.4
