Never, page 56
She smiled, happy to see him, glad to be alone with him in the study. She suppressed a stab of guilt: she was not cheating on Gerry, except in her daydreams.
Gus was all business. “I think the supreme leader is about to do something,” he said. “We’ve picked up two indications. One is intense communications activity around North Korean military bases. We can’t read most of the messages because they’re encrypted, but the pattern suggests that an attack is in preparation.”
“This is his retaliation. What’s the second?”
“A sleeping virus in the South Korean military network has been activated and is sending out fake orders. They’ve had to instruct all forces to ignore electronic messages and obey only telephoned orders from human beings while they try to debug the system.”
“This could be the prelude to a major assault.”
“Exactly, Madam President. Luis and Bill are already in the Situation Room.”
“Let’s go.” Pauline got up from her desk.
The Situation Room was filling up. Chief of Staff Jacqueline Brody came in, then DNI Sophia Magliani, followed by the vice president.
Several of the screens came to life, showing what seemed like street camera feeds. Pauline saw a city center, probably Seoul. She guessed that an alarm must have been sounding, for the people on the streets were rushing one way and another. She said: “What’s happening?”
Bill Schneider, listening to the Pentagon on his headset, said: “Incoming artillery.”
Luis explained: “Seoul is only fifteen miles from the border with North Korea—well within range of old-fashioned big guns, like the tank-mounted Koksan hundred and seventy millimeter.”
Pauline said: “Targets?”
Bill replied: “Too early to say, but we assume Seoul.”
“Responses?”
“South Korean forces are firing artillery in retaliation. American forces await orders.”
“Don’t deploy American forces without my say-so. Defensive action only right now.”
“Yes, ma’am. Artillery impact has begun.”
On the video from Seoul Pauline saw a crater suddenly appear in a road, a house collapsing, a car rolling sideways. She felt as if her heart had stopped. The supreme leader had crossed a line. This was not appropriate retaliation, a token attack, a symbolic reprisal. This was war.
Then Bill said: “Satellite surveillance has observed missiles emerging above the cloud cover over North Korea.”
Pauline asked: “How many?”
“Six,” said Bill. “Nine. Ten. Increasing. All coming from the western half of North Korea, the government-controlled zone. None from the rebel areas.”
Another screen lit up, this one showing radar input superimposed on a map of Korea. The missiles were so crowded that Pauline could not count them. “How many now?” she said.
“Twenty-four,” Bill replied.
“This is a full-scale attack.”
Luis said: “Madam President, this is war.”
She felt cold. She had always dreaded this. She had dedicated herself to preventing war, and she had failed.
She thought: Where did I go wrong?
She would be trying to answer that question for the rest of her life.
She pushed it aside. She said: “And we have twenty-eight thousand five hundred American troops in South Korea.”
“Plus some of their wives and children.”
“And husbands, presumably.”
“And husbands,” admitted Luis.
“Get President Chen on the phone please.”
Chief of Staff Jacqueline Brody said: “I’ll handle that.” She picked up a phone.
Pauline said: “Why is Supreme Leader Kang doing this? Is he suicidal?”
“No,” said Gus. “He’s desperate, but he’s not suicidal. He’s losing his fight with the ultras, and he can’t hold out much longer. They will surely execute him in the end, so he’s facing his own death. The only way he can change that is with the help of China, but they don’t want to send in their troops. He thinks he can force the issue—and he may be right. China won’t save him from his rebels, but they may step in to prevent a takeover by South Korea.”
Jacqueline said: “They’re ready for you, Madam President.” Evidently the Chinese had been expecting the call. Jacqueline added: “You can speak on the handset in front of you, ma’am. The other phones in the room will carry the conversation for listening only.”
Everyone picked up. Pauline said into her phone: “This is the president.”
The White House switchboard operator said: “Please hold for the president of China.”
A moment later Chen’s voice said: “I’m glad to hear from you, President Green.”
“I’m calling about Korea, as you may guess.”
“As you know, Madam President, the People’s Republic of China has no troops in North Korea and never has.”
That was technically true. The Chinese soldiers who had fought in the Korean War of the early fifties had been volunteers, theoretically. But Pauline was not about to get into that discussion. “I do know that, but all the same I’m hoping you might be able to help me understand what the hell North Korea is doing right now.”
Chen switched to Mandarin. The translator came on the line with what was obviously a prepared statement. “The artillery and missile strike that appears to have been launched from North Korea does not have the permission nor the approval of the Chinese government.”
“I’m relieved to hear that. And I hope you understand that our troops are going to defend themselves.”
Chen spoke carefully and the translator did the same. “I can assure you that the Chinese government has no objections as long as US troops are not on North Korean territory, in North Korean airspace, or in North Korean territorial waters.”
“I understand.” Chen’s ostensible reassurance was in fact a warning. He was saying that US troops must stay in South Korea. Pauline hoped to keep them there, but she was not willing to promise. She said: “My secretary of state, Chester Jackson, is on a plane right now flying to Sri Lanka to meet with your foreign minister, Wu Bai, and others, and I very much hope that this conflict can be brought to an end at that conference if not before.”
“So do I.”
“Please don’t hesitate to call me at any time, day or night, if something should happen that you regard as unacceptable or provocative. The US and China must not go to war. That is my aim.”
“And mine too.”
“Thank you, Mr. President.”
“Thank you, Madam President.”
They hung up, and General Schneider immediately said: “The North Koreans have now launched cruise missiles, and bomber aircraft are taking off.”
Pauline looked around the Situation Room and said: “Chen was very clear. China will stay out of this conflict if we stay out of North Korea. Bill, that must form the basis of our strategy. Keeping China out is the best thing we could possibly do to help South Korea.”
Even as she said it she knew how much scorn would be poured on this approach by James Moore and his supporters in the media.
“Yes, ma’am.” Bill Schneider was aggressive by nature but even he could see that this made sense. He went on: “US troops are ready to act within Chen’s constraints. As soon as you give the word, we will commence artillery attacks on North Korean military facilities. Fighter planes are on the runways, ready to combat incoming bombers. But at this stage we are not sending manned US planes into North Korean airspace.”
“Deploy the artillery now.”
“Yes, ma’am.”
“Put the fighters in the air.”
“Yes, ma’am.”
More screens came to life. Pauline saw pilots scrambling to jet fighters at a base that she guessed was Osan Air Base, thirty miles south of Seoul. She looked around the room. “Opinions, please. Can North Korea win this?”
Gus answered. “Unlikely, but not impossible,” he said, and Pauline saw heads nod around the table. Gus went on: “Their only hope is a blitzkrieg that will quickly close all South Korean ports and airfields, preventing the arrival of reinforcements.”
“Just for a moment, let’s consider what we can do if that seems to be happening.”
“Two things, though both bring fresh hazards. We could massively increase our forces in the region: more battleships in the South China Sea, more bombers to our bases in Japan, more aircraft carriers in Guam.”
“But the Chinese might see reinforcements as a provocation. They would suspect the ordnance was directed at them.”
“Yes.”
“And the other option?”
“Even worse,” said Gus. “We could disable the North Korean military with a nuclear attack.”
“That will be what James Moore advocates on TV tomorrow morning.”
“And it would risk nuclear retaliation, either from the remnants of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal or, worse, by China.”
“All right. We stick with our present strategy but closely monitor the battle. What we need from the Pentagon now, Bill, is an on-screen running tally of North Korean planes and missiles downed, and those remaining in the air. Gus, I’d like you to talk to Sandip. He should give the media hourly bulletins; please make sure he’s kept informed. I need the State Department to brief our foreign embassies. And we need coffee. And sandwiches. It’s going to be a long night.”
* * *
When the sun went down in East Asia and dawn broke over the White House, General Schneider announced that North Korea’s blitzkrieg had not worked. At least half the missiles had failed to reach their targets: some had been shot down by anti-missile fire, others had been made to malfunction by cyberattack interference with their systems, and some had crashed for no obvious reason. Several bombers had been brought down by fighter jets.
All the same there had been many casualties among troops and civilians, both American and South Korean. CNN was showing video of Seoul and other cities, some of the footage captured from South Korean television, some taken from social media posts. It showed collapsed buildings, raging fires, and ambulance crews struggling to help the wounded and pick up the dead. However, no ports or military airfields had closed. The attack continued, but the result was no longer in doubt.
Pauline was wired on coffee and tension, but she thought she could see the end in view. When Bill had finished she said: “I think we should now propose a cease-fire. Let’s get President Chen on the phone again.”
Jacqueline began the arrangements.
Bill said stiffly: “Madam President, the Pentagon would prefer to complete the destruction of North Korean military forces.”
“We can’t do that remotely,” she said. “We would have to have boots on the ground in North Korea, and that would start a new war, one with the Chinese, who would be a hell of a lot more difficult to defeat than North Korea.”
There were sounds of agreement around the room, and Bill said reluctantly: “Very well.”
Pauline added: “But until the North Koreans agree to the cease-fire I suggest you throw everything you’ve got at them.”
He brightened. “Very good, Madam President.”
Jacqueline said: “Chen is on the line.”
Pauline picked up. After brief courtesies she said to Chen: “The North Korean attack on South Korea has been defeated.”
Chen spoke through the interpreter. “The aggression of the Seoul authorities against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is unwarranted.”
Pauline was taken aback. Last time they spoke he had been reasonable. Now he seemed to be parroting propaganda. She said: “All the same, North Korea lost the battle.”
“The Korean People’s Army will continue to energetically defend the Republic of Korea from American-inspired attacks.”
Pauline put her hand over the phone. “I know Chen. He doesn’t believe any of this crap.”
Gus said: “I think the hard-liners are in the room with him, telling him what to say.”
Several people nodded.
This made it awkward, but she could still deliver her message. “I believe the people of the United States and the people of China can find a way to end the killing.”
“The People’s Republic of China will of course give careful consideration to what you say.”
“Thank you. I want a cease-fire.”
There was a long silence.
Pauline added: “I would be grateful if you would pass that message to your comrades in Pyongyang.”
Once again there was no immediate reply, and Pauline imagined Chen’s holding his hand over the phone and talking to the old Communists who were with him in his lakeside palace at Zhongnanhai. What were they saying? No one in the Beijing government could possibly want this war. North Korea could not win it—the events of last night had proved that—and China did not want to embroil itself in armed conflict with the US.
Chen, playing for time, said: “And can you assure us that this proposal will be accepted by President No in Seoul?”
“Of course not,” Pauline said immediately. “South Korea is a free country. But I’ll do my damnedest to persuade her.”
After another long pause, Chen said: “We will discuss this with Pyongyang.”
Pauline decided to push him. “When?”
This time his answer came without hesitation. “Immediately.” That was Chen talking, Pauline guessed, not his minders.
She said: “Thank you, Mr. President.”
“Thank you, Madam President.”
They hung up. Pauline said: “There’s been a change in Beijing.”
Gus said: “Once the shooting starts, the military assert themselves—and the Chinese military is run by hard-liners.”
Pauline glanced at Bill and reflected that most soldiers were hard-liners.
Pauline said: “All right, let’s talk to Seoul.”
Jacqueline said: “I’ll get President No on the line.”
The switchboard got through to Seoul and she picked up. She said: “This has been a terrible day for you, Madam President, but South Korean troops have fought bravely and have defeated the aggressors.”
She pictured President No, her gray hair pulled severely back from a high forehead, her dark eyes piercing, the lines around her mouth suggesting a history of conflict.
President No replied: “The supreme leader has learned that he cannot attack South Koreans with impunity.” The note of profound satisfaction in her voice suggested, to Pauline, that No was thinking of the assassination attempt that had killed her lover as well as the bombardment of the last few hours. No added: “We thank the brave and generous American people for their invaluable help.”
That was enough of that, Pauline thought. “Now we must talk about what to do next.”
“It’s getting dark here, and the exchange of missiles has tailed off, but it will start again in the morning.”
Pauline did not like the sound of that. “Unless we prevent it,” she said.
“How would we do that, Madam President?”
“I’m proposing a cease-fire.”
There was a silence at the other end.
To fill it, Pauline said: “My secretary of state and the Chinese foreign minister will be arriving in Sri Lanka in the next few hours to meet with your foreign minister and his North Korean counterpart. They should discuss the details of the cease-fire immediately, then move on to negotiate a peace settlement.”
President No said: “A cease-fire would leave the supreme leader in power in Pyongyang and in possession of what remains of his weapons—so he would still menace us.”
That was true, of course. Pauline said: “No purpose is served by continuing the killing.”
The reply shocked her. No said: “I cannot agree.”
Pauline frowned. This was more opposition than she had anticipated. What did No mean? “You have defeated North Korea,” Pauline said. “What more do you want?”
“Supreme Leader Kang started this war,” No said. “I’m going to finish it.”
Oh, Christ, Pauline thought; she wants unconditional surrender.
Pauline said: “A cease-fire is the first step in ending the war.”
“This is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to free our countrymen in the north from a murderous tyranny.”
Pauline’s heart sank. The supreme leader was, indeed, a murderous tyrant, but President No did not have the power to overthrow him against the wishes of the Chinese. “What are you planning?”
“The complete destruction of the army of North Korea and a new, nonaggressive regime in Pyongyang.”
“Are you talking about an invasion of North Korea?”
“If necessary.”
Pauline wanted to stomp on this idea right way. “The US would not join forces with you.”
No’s answer surprised her. “We would not want you to.”
Pauline was temporarily lost for words.
No Korean leader had talked this way since the 1950s. If the north and south were reunited by this war, the south would somehow have to cope with a sudden influx of twenty-five million half-starved people who had no idea how to live in a capitalist economy. No had campaigned on a promise of reunification in the vague future: her slogan Before I die meant Not never, but it could also mean Not now. However, the economic issue was not her main problem. China was.
Reading her mind, No said: “If you stay out of it we believe the Chinese will do the same. We will say that Korea’s problems must be solved by Korea’s people, without the involvement of other countries.”
“Beijing will not allow you to install a pro-American government in Pyongyang.”
“I know. We would discuss the future of North and South Korea with our allies and our neighbors, of course. But we believe the time has come for Korea as a whole to stop being merely a pawn in someone else’s game.”
